+White House-linked clandestine operation, paid for "vote switching"
software.
From Texas to Florida:
Special Report
.http://www.outsupport.org/forum/viewtopic.php?p=52888#52888
http://www.onlinejournal.com/Special_Reports/120604Madsen/120604madsen.html
Texas to Florida: White House-linked clandestine operation, paid for "vote
switching" software
By Wayne Madsen.
Online Journal Contributing Writer.
December 6, 2004-The manipulation of computer voting machines in the
recent
presidential election and the funding of programmers who were involved in
the operation are tied to an intricate web of shady off-shore financial
trusts and companies, shady espionage operatives, Republican Party
politicians close to the Bush family, and National Aeronautics and Space
Administration (NASA) contract vehicles.
An exhaustive investigation has turned up a link between current Florida
Republican Representative Tom Feeney, a customized Windows-based program
to
suppress Democratic votes on touch screen voting machines, a Florida
computer services company with whom Feeney worked as a general counsel and
registered lobbyist while he was Speaker of the Florida House of
Representatives, and top level officials of the Bush administration.
According to a notarized affidavit signed by Clint Curtis, while he was
employed by the NASA Kennedy Space Center contractor, Yang Enterprises,
Inc., during 2000, Feeney solicited him to write a program to "control the
vote." At the time, Curtis was of the opinion that the program was to be
used for preventing fraud in the in the 2002 election in Palm Beach
County,
Florida. His mind was changed, however, when the true intentions of Feeney
became clear: the computer program was going to be used to suppress the
Democratic vote in counties with large Democratic registrations.
According to Curtis, Feeney and other top brass at Yang Enterprises, a
company located in a three-story building in Oviedo, Florida, wanted the
program, written in Visual Basic 5 (VB.5) and designed to operate in
Windows
and be portable to Unix-based vote tabulation systems, to be
"undetectable"
to voters and election supervisors.
Yang, an engineering and computer services company subcontracted to NASA
prime contractors like Lockheed Martin, was founded in 1986 by Dr.
Tyng-Lin
(Tim) Yang. Granted minority-owned "Section 8A" and woman-owned
preferential
status by the U.S. government, Yang's clients also include the Florida
Department of Transportation (DOT). Yang's President, Li-Woan (Lee) Yang,
is
Tim Yang's wife. Feeney was the registered agent for another Yang company,
Y
& H Greens, Inc., a company that was dissolved in 1988 and operated from
the
Yangs' residence on Merritt Island. The Yangs also serve as co-trustees
for
an entity called Yang of Merritt Island, Ltd., founded on January 31,
2000,
and also run from their residence.
In the autumn of 1999, Curtis, who served as a sort of technology adviser
for Yang, first became aware of Feeney's interest in election rigging.
Curtis said at one meeting, Feeney "bragged that he could reduce the
minority vote and deliver the election to 'George.'" At the same meeting,
according to Curtis, Feeney said he had "implemented a list that would
eliminate thousands of voters that would vote for Democratic candidates"
and
that "a proper placement of police patrols could further reduce the black
vote by as much as 25 percent."
Feeney's desire to manipulate the vote would be manifested in his home
base
of Volusia County in the 2000 presidential election. According to The
Washington Post, at 10 p.m. on election night, Al Gore was leading Bush in
Volusia County by 83,000 to 62,000 votes. One-half hour later, Gore's vote
total had been reduced by 16,000 to 67,000 and an obscure Socialist
candidate saw a sudden surge to 10,000 votes in a precinct with only 600
voters. The information on the Volusia optical scanner voting anomalies
came
from a leaked internal Diebold memorandum. In the end, Bush won Florida
and
the White House by a mere 537 votes in the most controversial U.S.
presidential election in history.
Feeney had long been a voice in Florida GOP politics. He was gubernatorial
candidate Jeb Bush's running mate in 1994, a race in which Democratic
incumbent Lawton Chiles defeated Bush. Chiles once referred to Feeney as
"the David Duke of Florida politics."
In 2002, Feeney asked Curtis if he could develop a touch screen voting
machine "flip flop" program. According to Curtis, Feeney asked him, "Can
you
write a program to flip votes around on touch screen machines?" Curtis
said
Feeney wanted the program to merely reduce votes in heavily Democratic
areas
and flip Republican votes to 51 percent and keep Democrat votes to 49
percent. Curtis added that Feeney "did not want to win by a lot." In
return,
Curtis said Feeney offered him "big jobs." Curtis's main tasks at Yang
were
to develop the Florida DOT's Electronic Document Management System. He
also
worked on the Project Pipeline Information System at another one of Yang's
major clients, Exxon Mobil's Coral Gables facility.
Curtis said he developed the voting program and eventually handed off his
prototype to Feeney. The program was also reviewed by Curtis's senior
coder,
Hai Lin (Henry) Nee, who according to Florida Department of Transportation
sources, was an illegal alien working in the United States. According
Curtis, not only did Nee review the vote switching program code but he
constantly downloaded sensitive data to his computer from NASA's
computers.
Nee, according to Curtis, moonlighted at an Orlando company called Azure
Systems, described by The Orlando Sentinel as a "three person engineering
firm" and one of a number of companies linked to Ting Ih-Hsu, a former
Lockheed Martin employee. At the same time Nee was reviewing Yang's vote
switching program, he was also being investigated by U.S. federal
investigators for illegally shipping Hellfire missile parts to China.
Oddly,
although U.S. law enforcement agents had put Nee and his associates under
surveillance for illegal exports of technology to China in 1999, he and
his
colleagues were not arrested until March of this year.
Curtis claimed that Yang's corporate bosses stressed that the company had
"unlimited" sources of money that came "mostly" from China. According to
Florida DOT employees, House Speaker Feeney pressured their agency to give
money to Yang for nonexistent software. The sources also revealed that
Feeney was aware that Yang was employing a number of illegal aliens on
State
of Florida and federal contracts.
Feeney's ties to Yang paralleled similar close ties to NASA. Feeney's wife
Ellen has worked as an engineer for NASA's Kennedy Space Center since
1985.
Jeb Bush ensured that Florida's 24th Congressional District was redrawn so
that Feeney would have an easy time in his 2002 race against Democratic
opponent Harry Jacobs. According to Florida state officials, who spoke on
the condition anonymity, 500 Yang employees at the Kennedy Space Center
were
paid for their time when they agreed to picket against Jacobs. In
addition,
NASA administrator Sean O'Keefe, according to the same sources, lobbied
extensively for Feeney within NASA. In addition, O'Keefe and his close
friend and former Pentagon boss, Vice President Dick Cheney, made campaign
appearances for Feeney at the Kennedy Space Center.
Feeney's close ties to Jeb Bush and Cheney paid off. In 2002, he was
elected
to the U.S. House of Representatives in a race that also saw the
re-election
of Jeb Bush. Early in "vote switch's" development stages, Feeney had told
Curtis that he wanted the program "made to control Palm Beach" in 2002.
Palm
Beach County's Election Supervisor was still the controversial Theresa
LePore, nicknamed "Madam Butterfly," who designed the infamous "butterfly
ballots" in the 2000 election. LePore had once been an employee of Saudi
multi-billionaire Adnan Khashoggi, a Saudi link that is tied to a huge
multi-billion tranche of money distributed throughout off-shore trusts,
accounts, and corporations with interlocking directorships that are
controlled by Bush interests in Houston. It was this Bush-controlled money
cache, originating in the East, and known in Houston by the name "Five
Star"
and other cryptonyms that was, according to U.S. intelligence insiders,
used
to fund the rigging of the 2004 election.
When he arrived in Congress, Feeney was given a seat on the House Science
and Technology Committee, which oversees NASA's operations. Feeney was
also
appointed to the important House Finance and Judiciary Committees. He was
also given a clean bill of ethical health by Florida's Ethics Commission,
a
panel that has a Republican majority.
After Feeney's ascension to Congress, Yang's questionable billing
activities
with its Florida DOT contract came to the attention of Ray C. Lemme, a
seasoned senior investigator with the Florida DOT Inspector General's
Office
and a combat veteran of the Vietnam War. Lemme had a lot of evidence to
suspect that Yang was overbilling the DOT for "millions." After
discovering
Yang's dirty laundry, Curtis went to work for the DOT. Mavis Georgalis,
the
DOT's contracting officer for the Yang contract, was also aware of
improprieties with the contract. As a result of pressure from the Florida
State House, both Curtis and Georgalis were eventually fired by the DOT
because of their complaints about the Yang contract. Someone was obviously
trying to send Curtis a message when, on August 14, 2002, he discovered
that
someone poisoned his pet Pomeranian dog, Emily. Lemme was forced to stop
his
official investigation of Yang for similar reasons. However, he decided to
continue an "unofficial" investigation of Yang and its practices on the
side. It was a fateful decision.
According to DOT employees familiar with the Yang case, Lemme was aware
that
it was Jeb Bush who personally shut down his investigation of Yang. Lemme
also leaked details concerning his investigation to the Daytona Beach News
Journal. The investigator had previously requested a full audit of the
Yang
contract with the DOT, a request that was denied. Lemme also became aware
of
something else outside the framework of the DOT contract-that Yang had
been
involved in producing a prototype vote switching program for use with
touch
screen voting machines and that Tom Feeney was in on the scam. The last
time
Clint Curtis spoke to Lemme, he remembers the silver haired investigator
excited about where his case was leading. Lemme told Curtis that the cover
up of Yang was coming from "as high up as I could imagine" and that he had
"proof" that was "shocking."
On Sunday, June 29, 2003, evidence indicates that Lemme drove from
Tallahassee to Valdosta, Georgia, the home of Moody Air Force Base. A
motel
receipt indicated that Lemme checked in at the Knight's Inn off Interstate
75 at 6:49 p.m. Lemme's wife said that her husband left home for work on
Monday, June 30, at 5:15 a.m., an hour earlier than usual. According to a
Leon County Sheriff's report, Lemme's wife said she received a voice
message
after she returned home at 6:45 p.m. on Monday. The message was from her
husband's supervisor, Bob Clift, who informed her that earlier in the day,
at 6:15 a.m., Lemme called into work, left a message, and said he would
not
be coming to work that day. Clift said he was checking up on Ray Lemme.
Mrs.
Lemme called Clift and told him that her husband was not at home. Mrs.
Lemme
told police that her husband was working on a "big case." Mrs. Lemme filed
a
missing person report with the Leon County, Sheriff's Office. Clift later
determined that Ray Lemme made his earlier call to work at 6:15 a.m., one
hour after he supposedly left his home for work, from a pay phone at the
junction of Interstate 10 and Highway 1 in Jefferson County, Florida.
Shortly after 11:00 a.m. on Tuesday, July 1, the maid assigned to clean
Lemme's room-132-received no answer when she knocked. The door was locked.
There was no response when the maid called the room's telephone. The hotel
manager then called the police.
The following is from the Valdosta Police Detective Report filed by
Detective Craig Spencer and dated July 1, 2003: "On July 1, 2003 at
approximately 1330 hours, I received a page advising me to be en route to
Knights Inn at 2110 West Hill Avenue in reference to an unattended death."
When Spencer and other police officers and detectives arrived at the
motel,
the manager told them that the occupant of Room 132, Ray Lemme, was to
have
checked out by 11a.m. The officers yelled through the slightly ajar door
but
received no answer and they discovered the upper swing latch was locked.
The
officers used a special tool provided by the motel to open the swing latch
lock. Spencer said that one of the officers entered the room and found a
suicide note and then proceeded to the bathroom where Lemme was found dead
in the bathtub. Police also discovered that the inside of Lemmes's left
elbow-the cubital tunnel-was slashed. There were spurts of blood on the
wall
but no blood found on the floor. A belt possibly used as a tourniquet and
a
double- edged straight razor blade were found on the side of the tub. A
bath
towel was unfolded and neatly placed on the floor next to the tub.
Later on July 1, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation Crime Laboratory in
Moultrie informed the Valdosta Police that based on the "suicide" details,
no autopsy would be performed on Lemme. Unlike Florida, Georgia does not
perform mandatory autopsies. A doctor, with 25 years' clinical experience,
who was interviewed for this story claimed that the circumstances of
Lemme's
death appeared to him to be a classic "mob hit." If the Leon County
Sheriff
missing person report is to be believed, it is clear that someone other
than
Lemme checked into the Valdosta motel on Sunday evening using his name.
Clearly, the Leon County Sheriff's report contains a number of details
that
directly conflict with facts found in the Valdosta Police report. In
addition, the Lowndes County, Georgia, Coroner's report fails to indicate
an
estimated time of death based on a full medical examination-it surmised
that
the time of death was the same time as indicated on the suicide note: 8:10
a.m. on July 1.
An empty manila folder and a blank legal pad notebook were found on the
hotel room's desk along with an undated and unsigned suicide note written
on
lined paper, which lacked any identifiable fingerprints, from Lemme's day
planner. The note merely contained the time 8:10 a.m. with the following
notation: "I love my family (family underlined once) with all my heart. I
am
sorry. I am depressed and in pain. Mary Ann (Lemme's wife), I love you."
("I
love you" underlined twice). It was certainly not indicative of a person
who
was ecstatic that he was finally going to nail a long investigation that
involved vote rigging, overbilling, and fraud abetted by the very top
political leadership in Tallahassee. Interestingly, the last number on
Lemme's pager (an 850 960-XXXX) ended with the number "911." It is also
interesting that Lemme's watch, when discovered by the police, was stopped
at 12:34 p.m. on June 30-a possible indication that Lemme was trying to
convey the time of a possible in extremis situation. Also, Lemme's Florida
driver's license was in his room while his wallet was in the glove box of
his car, which was parked in front of the room. Two motel receipts were
found in Lemme's room by the police. One was a check-in receipt dated June
29 and timed at 6:44 p.m. The other was a receipt, without a notation of
check-in or check-out, dated June 30 and timed at 6:54 a.m. A witness told
police that Lemme's car was parked in front of his room on the afternoon
of
June 30.
Sergeant Eugene Bell of the Valdosta Police Department interviewed a
39-year
old female guest who was staying in Room 236 over the weekend. She and her
daughter noticed three men standing in the parking lot across from Lemme's
room at 8 a.m. on the morning of July 1. The behavior of the men made the
guest suspicious enough that the woman initially believed the men were
engaged in a drug deal. According to the police report, the camera used to
photograph the crime scene was later discovered to have a defect in the
flash memory card. The defect resulted in no usable photographs being
submitted with the official police report.
Lemme was no stranger to Florida politics. His wife, Mary Ann, worked as a
secretary for Martha Walters Barnett, a partner with the
politically-connected Holland & Knight law firm in Tallahassee, where she
specializes in campaign finance and election law and government contracts.
Another Holland & Knight partner, Ginny Myrick, was appointed by Jeb Bush
as
the vice chair of the Florida Community Trust, a state land acquisition
and
grant program. Although officially a bipartisan law firm, even Democrats
working for Holland & Knight largely support Jeb Bush. In addition, Bill
McBride, Bush's Democratic opponent in the 2002 gubernatorial race and a
Holland & Knight partner who had defeated former Attorney General Janet
Reno
in the Democratic primary amid reports of voting irregularities from
around
the state, commented that his race against Bush "may be the Democrats'
race
to lose."
The NASA connection to the money trail that is linked to the development
of
the vote switching program is of particular note. When the first sketchy
details of the vote switching operation emerged, a Houston-controlled
money
tranche associated with an offshore entity called Five Star Trust,
registered in the Isle of Man, was reported by high-level intelligence
sources familiar with past Bush-related covert activities to be behind the
operation. Five Star has been connected by these informed sources to have
originated in 1983, when deposed Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos,
Saudi
billionaire Adnan Khashoggi, and then-Vice President George H. W. Bush
were
allegedly looking for a repository for an estimated $3 billion in looted
Philippine gold and gems. Since that time, Five Star's accounts are said
to
funnel more funds from Saudi Arabia as well as cash reserves hidden away
in
offshore artificial shells by Enron before it collapsed. What is not yet
certain is whether Sean O'Keefe, the NASA administrator and close Cheney
friend who supported Feeney's and Yang's activities in Florida,
facilitated
the transfer of Five Star funds from Houston to Cape Canaveral using
contract vehicles of both the Johnson and Kennedy Space Centers to
disburse
the funds to the principal players. A NASA insider in Texas said he has
long
suspected large amounts of money have been moved into the United States
and
that these transfers involved NASA and Saudi and Chinese money sources.
There is additional information that the election rigging principals
connected to the State of Florida and Jeb Bush may have also tried to use
contractors tied closely to state contracts to parlay the touch screen
software into Maine, which has proportional distribution of its electoral
votes by congressional district, and Ohio, the key state in 2004. The
information was provided by insiders in Tallahassee who are close to
offices
involved in procurement by the state government.
Sources close to U.S. intelligence pointed to a $29.6 million check
supposedly issued on October 22, 2004, by Laurentian Bank in Montreal,
Canada, that was rumored by intelligence circles to have been used to pay
for the technicians who developed the software to rig the election. The
computer voting machine technicians and maintenance personnel involved
with
the rigging were reported to have included Russians, Mexicans, and
Brazilians.
According to Laurentian Bank, the check, a U.S. dollar "money order," is a
bogus instrument tied to Nigerian scamming activities. Laurentian Bank
said
that a U.S. dollar money order would never be for amounts over $1,000 and
any higher amount would be in the form of a bank draft that would require
the signature of two senior bank officers. In addition, the bank would
never
use a cell phone number (514-588-5569) on their checks. The payer on the
"check," Equity Financial Trust of Toronto, is said by the Canadian Fraud
Office to be involved with Nigerian scammers. In fact, the Canadian
Office
of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions reports that Equity
Financial Trust, Toronto, Ontario "may be violating provisions of the Bank
Act (Canada) or other Canadian financial institution regulations" and "may
also be conducting unauthorized banking transactions in the United
States."
The payee on the "check," Five Star Investments, Ltd., once registered on
the Isle of Man, is a Lexington, Kentucky-based entity tied to Marion
"J.R."
Horn, convicted in 2002 by Judge Joseph M. Hood of the U.S. District Court
for Eastern Kentucky for wire fraud. He was also ordered to serve time in
Buckner Federal Penitentiary, North Carolina for a "mental study." He
eventually served an unusually light 18-month sentence while on parole for
another fraud case. When interviewed by a researcher for this article,
Horn
expressed surprise that the check his lawyer in Nassau was waiting to
clear
a bank in New York, was, in fact, a fake. According to CIA documents
obtained from the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, Five
Star Trust may have, in fact, had a past relationship with Horn. According
to Offshorebusiness.com, Five Star Trust has been linked with an "illegal"
bank.
The connection of Enron money and Nigerian scammers to Five Star is
intriguing because of a September 23, 2004, Houston Chronicle report that
said Enron was involved in an off-the-books deal to invest in Nigerian
power
generation barges. Tina Trinkle, a former Merrill Lynch banker, said she
was
asked not to do the normal background checks for such a business deal.
A former Justice Department prosecutor who investigated the Bank of Credit
and Commerce International (BCCI) said that the bogus check and those
responsible for it are typical "feints" used to mask actual clandestine
money movements from law enforcement investigators. In addition, the
former
prosecutor said the purported check lacked the necessary SWIFT codes in
the
numbers found at the bottom of the check to facilitate the movement of
money
through international financial networks. He said that in his experience
as
a prosecutor, the name "Five Star Trust" came up in relation to the covert
activities of the Nugan Hand Bank, a CIA-connected activity that was
involved in covert activities in Australia and South East Asia.
Five Star entities, active and dissolved, have been discovered in the Isle
of Man, the island of Nevis, the Bahamas, Florida, Kentucky, and Texas.
Other Five Star-related entities stored large sums of money in the Cook
Islands, according to U.S. intelligence sources, and these funds were
directly linked to Khashoggi and BCCI. Khashoggi also approached top
Nigerian leaders in 1982 to set up a company there that would deal
exclusively in minerals. According to knowledgeable insiders, Khashoggi
used
a company called Triad to hammer out lucrative international deals on
precious minerals. In 1994, Five Star Investments, Ltd., the entity tied
to
Horn, attempted to buy International Standards Group ISG), Ltd., a
consulting company based in Boca Raton, Florida. According to the Palm
Beach
Post, Horn was the person who proposed the acquisition. ISG was also the
target of a bid by UMI, Inc., a mortgage banker based in Coral Gables,
Florida. The Palm Beach Post was never able to determine the source of
UMI's
cash.
Phony checks are not the only telltale signs associated with some of the
various Five Star entities. Another bogus document, a bogus UN customs
declaration for a shipment to a "Counter Terrorist Unit" in Lagos,
Nigeria,
was also obtained in the investigation of this story.
Horn has had a running battle with the CIA over allegations that he is
owed
money for his past activities on behalf of the agency. Although Horn has
produced a number of dubious documents to support his claims, one of the
names mentioned in documents filed in U.S. court in Washington, DC is that
of E. Warren Goss, an actual attorney in Boulder, Colorado. It has not
been
established if E. Warren Goss has any family connection to Porter Goss,
the
current CIA director.
In a September 17, 2003, declaration by Marilyn A. Dorn, Information
Review
Officer in the Directorate of Operations at the CIA, in response to Horn's
Freedom of Information Act request, it was determined that the agency had
no
records containing the names "Five Star Trust" or a reported subsidiary,
"U.S. Mortgage and Trust (Bahamas)." Dorn reported that no records
containing references to either entity were discovered but that two
documents, cables-"field traffic consisting of one and a half pages and
eight partial lines of message text, respectively, dating from the early
1980s"-were responsive to Horn's request. It is interesting that the CIA
admits the time frame because the genesis of Five Star Trust was 1983,
when,
according to U.S. intelligence insiders, then-Vice President Bush
authorized
a Boeing 747 with a special "carriage" to airlift several tons of gold
bars
from Clark Air Force base in the Philippines to LaGuardia Airport in New
York.
The gold bars were then transported to the International Diamond Exchange
Vaults near Rockefeller Center. A CIA proprietary firm called Oceaneering
International of Houston was reportedly involved in airlifting some of the
gold from the Philippines, in addition to sealifting the remainder to
Oregon. After George W. Bush's victory in 2000, the last of the gold in
New
York was moved to UBS Bank in Zurich. Marcos and Khashoggi set about to
create Five Star Trust in 1983 as a means to create a vehicle to use the
Philippine wealth to create and funnel fungible assets. In 1989, Five Star
Trust was officially established in the Isle of Man by a Houston-based
attorney who was a close friend of the Bush family.
The CIA's explanation of its decision to withhold the release the two
cables
was partly based on the use of cryptonyms-artificial words used as
substitutes for the actual name or identity of a "person, organization, or
project." The CIA statement continues: "when obtained and matched with
other information, a cryptonym possesses a great deal of meaning for those
who are able to fit it into the proper cognitive framework." The denial of
Horn's FOIA request also stated that the two responsive documents could
"reveal the existence or location of covert CIA field installations in
multiple foreign countries." In addition, the CIA stated that release of
the
documents in question would "reveal specific and sensitive subjects in
which
the CIA is or was interested." Finally, disclosure of the requested
documents was denied because of "foreign relations." The agency emphasized
that, "in carrying out its legally authorized intelligence activities, the
CIA engages in activities that if known by foreign nations, could
reasonably
be expected to cause serious damage to U.S. relations with affected or
interested nations."
The story of this corruption is nothing new. What is new is the purpose.
The
use of this old and covert tranche of money for a special Bush operation
to
deny the American people their right to a free and fair vote was not the
typical illegal sale of arms to a terrorist nation, the overthrow of a
foreign government, or the payment of bribes to foreign potentates. It was
a
high crime in every constitutional sense. The target was the American
political system and not just in 2004 but also in 2003, 2002, and 2000.
The
scandal goes right up to the White House and the Governor's Mansion in
Tallahassee. It involves an extremely crooked Florida national politician
and other Florida state government officials. And, as with all modern
American political scandals, we have at least one dead body, a number of
whistleblowers and anonymous "Deep Throats," powerful but corrupt
politicians, counterfeit and real documents, con men, and a money trail
tied
to off-shore foreign bank accounts.
People may wonder why a group of intelligence insiders would come forward
to
a non-major media outlet with such tantalizing information at this time.
The
corporate-beholden media cannot be trusted to report such a news story. A
common theme from all the intelligence and ex-intelligence officials with
whom I have communicated is that George W. Bush made a major mistake in
attacking and purging the clandestine service of the CIA. The "agency,"
which extends far beyond the confines of Langley, Virginia, is having its
revenge. It has willingly exposed a portion of a traditional clandestine
CIA
money route to expose the vote scam that was used to ensure Bush's
election.
The clues, for example, the bogus check, were conveyed to us as exactly
that-clues. Those markers pointed to the illegal nature of the covert
money
flows. The connections between NASA contracts, Texas, and Florida were
additional clues to one of the major sources of the money used for the
vote
rigging. There were a number of roads that led to the same destination.
But
that is the nature of covert intelligence. Some patriotic and brave
people,
who have served in silence for a number of decades, have chosen their
country over a corrupt family and administration. It is now time for the
constitutional process to begin. Rectification of the criminal conspiracy
that denied John Kerry and John Edwards the White House must begin in
Ohio,
and extend to Florida, California, Texas, Georgia, and other states where
votes were flipped by computers from the Kerry to the Bush column. Past
elections must also be investigated and those who were done in by this
fraud, namely, people like Max Cleland, Gray Davis, Al Gore, and others
must
also have their day in court.
Wayne Madsen is a Washington, DC-based investigative journalist and
syndicated columnist. He is the author of "Jaded Tasks: Big Oil, Black Ops
&
Brass Plates."
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